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Decades of Policy Drift Left Johannesburg's Migrant Communities in Limbo, Here's How We Got Here
From the post-apartheid open-door era to today's fractured ANC-DA coalition in Gauteng, the city's relationship with foreign nationals has lurched between tolerance and hostility, and its migrants are paying the price.
How we reported this
Johannesburg is home to an estimated 500,000 foreign nationals, a figure the South African Human Rights Commission put on record as recently as March 2025, yet the city has never once had a coherent, legislated plan for integrating them. That gap, built up over three decades, now sits at the centre of the ANC-DA coalition's most difficult governing challenge in Gauteng.
The timing matters. Iran's political order is in flux after the death of its Supreme Leader. Poland's prime minister is warning of existential threats on NATO's eastern flank. Venezuela is pulling bodies from earthquake rubble. Globally, states are being forced to decide, fast, what they owe people who cross borders in search of survival. Johannesburg is no different, except that its reckoning has been building since 1994.
How the City Opened Its Doors, Then Looked Away
When the ANC came to power, South Africa's borders softened almost overnight. Zimbabweans fleeing the collapse of Robert Mugabe's economy began arriving in earnest through the 2000s, settling primarily in Hillbrow, Yeoville and along Jeppe Street in the inner city. Mozambicans clustered in Alexandra township, many working construction sites in the rapidly expanding Sandton corridor. The Department of Home Affairs, chronically underfunded and administratively broken, couldn't keep pace. By 2008, the pressure had built to a lethal point: the xenophobic attacks of May that year killed 62 people across Gauteng, with some of the worst violence in Alexandra and Cleveland.
The government's response was a national disaster declaration and temporary camps, not a migration policy. The Refugee Reception Office on Plein Street in the CBD processed applications for years in conditions human rights lawyers described as deliberately obstructive. Backlogs stretched to five and six years. People lived undocumented not by choice but because the system manufactured that outcome.
Subsequent rounds of violence, 2015 in Durban and Soweto, 2019 in Johannesburg's CBD, followed the same pattern: crisis, response, amnesia. Each time, the Zulu Softies hawker stalls along Diagonal Street were ransacked. Each time, the African Diaspora Forum filed emergency litigation. Each time, the political class treated it as a law-and-order problem rather than a governance failure.
The Coalition Changes the Calculation
The ANC-DA arrangement governing Gauteng since the May 2024 elections introduced a new variable. The DA, which controls Cape Town's relatively more functional Home Affairs liaison offices, brought pressure to regularise undocumented residents through the Border Management Authority Act, a law passed in 2020 that took years to operationalise. The ANC's Gauteng structures, historically more populist on migration, resisted fast-tracking documentation for fear of the electoral optics in townships like Soweto's Diepkloof and Orange Farm, where unemployment among South African citizens runs above 40 percent according to Statistics South Africa's 2025 quarterly labour force survey.
The practical result is a stalemate. The Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department's Operation Restore, which has run periodic inner-city sweeps since 2022, continues to detain undocumented migrants at the Lindela Repatriation Centre in Krugersdorp, a facility built for 4,000 people that advocacy group Lawyers for Human Rights documented as holding nearly 7,000 in early 2026. At the same time, the Gauteng Department of Social Development funds integration programs like the Yeoville Community Centre's multilingual outreach, which served roughly 3,200 foreign national families in 2025.
Those two facts, mass detention and small-scale integration funding, coexisting inside the same provincial government tell you everything about where policy actually stands.
For migrants already here, the immediate priority is documentation. The African Diaspora Forum operates a legal clinic at its Braamfontein offices every Tuesday and Thursday. The Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa maintains a helpline, 011 403 7560, for people navigating asylum applications. City leaders who want to shape these communities' futures will have to decide, before the 2026 local government adjustment budget in October, whether integration gets a dedicated line item or remains an afterthought. That budget deadline is the next concrete moment when rhetoric either becomes policy or evaporates.